newspaper La Jornada
Monday May 23, 2011, p. 2
The PRI usually has the governor of the state of Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto, representing "a party more youthful, fresh and modern, adapted to the new democratic realities of Mexico." And of course, as the "future president of Mexico."
However, analysts at the U.S. embassy who conducted a two-day trip to the entity 10 and September 11, 2009, the politician, who is called "the godson of former President Carlos Salinas", rather " seems cut from the same cloth " that the PRI old guard.
"Made in the mold of stale mexiquense PRI, Peña Nieto is acknowledged by its transparency, when it comes to friends and allies, as was the case of the protection he gave to his predecessor, former Gov. Arturo Montiel, to prevent him from being investigated for corruption early in his administration.
All this and more officials say the political section of the U.S. embassy cable extensive classified as sensitive and delicate, the 09MEXICO2778, dated September 24, filtered by Wikileaks to La Jornada, which reported a his superiors at the State Department their views on the environment of the state ruler.
argue that the PRI in the state of Mexico "has a reputation to take advantage of existing cracks on transparency to get campaign funds. Given the large amount of money flowing through the body and given the position that has Peña Nieto as a pointer in the presidential race, it seems unlikely that his administration is taking advantage of this situation. "
The visit was hosted by the Office of International Affairs of the government in Toluca for diplomats of the political section of the American mission. Interviews with an agenda orchestrated in detail with personally selected partners government officials, were given an "unbalanced perspective on the performance of the governor who aspires to be president."
For U.S. advisers are obvious the real reason for this "stepped approach" Peña Nieto of the United States as part of their preparation for the presidential race.
Governor-candidate-expresses the firm in its conclusions, "is ready to prove he's ready for the presidency. It is therefore expected that in the next three years of fundraising and campaign trying to woo an increasingly more intense. "
Although the anfitriones cuidaron todos los detalles para presentar su mejor cara –y presumiblemente ocultar bajo la alfombra lo negativo–, el reporte sometido por la embajada a Washington destaca algunos aspectos del desempeño estatal que dejaban que desear en 2009, y que en 2011 siguen igual. Se menciona, por ejemplo, el incumplimiento en el estado de México en la aplicación de los controles de confianza de mandos y operativos de las instituciones policiales y de procuración de justicia.
Dice el cable que las autoridades estatales aseguraron que estaban “muy activos” instalando los centros de evaluación para aplicar el modelo de control ordenado por el Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública en 2008. “Pero sólo two percent of officers have undergone the test. "
More recent data, according to a note by Gustavo Castillo posted on April 4, 2011 in La Jornada-mentioning that in the state of Mexico had a compliance of only 10 percent in the controls. In the first half of 2011 only 800 thousand municipal police came and the State Security Agency, a total of 75 000.
Moreover, visitors to the embassy Peña Nieto unequivocally identified as a candidate of Televisa: "It is generally accepted that the television monopoly supports the governor and provides large amounts of air time and all kinds of coverage."
said all this, the cable says. "Do not underestimate the wit and political savvy of Peña Nieto, or its equipment. It is evident that features expert advice on managing your image and public relations. Proof of this is the propaganda of the public commitments '600 '. "
This work revolves mainly be allowed visitors a clear idea about" the personal style of governing "de Peña Nieto, say the authors of cable, which was titled A look at the state of Mexico, a Potemkin village. This is a term from the political repertoire of the Cold War with respect to the façade projects presented for purposes of creating an illusion of progress and to hide a less idyllic reality. It refers to organize tours that used the old communist Soviet Union scenic villages where foreign visitors showed a false welfare and development.
The cable concluded: "Obviously the governor is playing politics with an eye on the presidential election of 2010, and gestures to approach the U.S. government are no exception. Not surprisingly, immediately after the success (PRI) in the midterm elections of July, which released the brake on their ambitions and seek the cooperation of our government in judicial and security, including information exchange, technology, research training and assistance. "
The sudden increase in personnel in the Office of International Affairs in Toluca-eight to 35 people employed, is played well in the lead: "The governor is polishing his international credentials." New members of the office "are perfectly familiar with what the U.S. government wants to hear about investment, immigration and security issues."
Playing with the words of the "600 commitments" articulate peñanietista propaganda, the analyst resume: "It's clear commitment to Peña Nieto with popular infrastructure projects, what remains unclear is its commitment to progressive reform."
acknowledges that his influence is dominant in most municipalities in the state, the local Congress and a large portion of the Chamber of Deputies, will Peña Nieto's ability to mark the passage of statewide policy and lesser extent at the federal level over the next three years.
The tour of the U.S. diplomats held at a government summit of Peña Nieto, right in the middle of his term and after the midterm elections on July 5 (in which the PRI spent to control 97 of the 125 municipalities of the State of Mexico, 40 of the 45 local congressional seats and 38 of the 40 federal deputies elected in the State of Mexico). In the process, recognizes the cable-the PRI "passed the acid test, could prove to be able to get election results favorable to their party and that is more than just a pretty face."
One of his partners, the Secretary of Government, Alejandro Nieto Enriquez admitted that Peña Nieto would from then on hands free to implement all its projects, especially given the decline of the PAN and the PRD in the vicinity of state.
political adviser who wrote the office makes the observation that 14 of the 19 PRI governors attending the annual report as evidence of its "growing power." Warns that while "it is too early to make sure all the PRI will close ranks around Peña Nieto (is just 2009), most of the party elected officials are measuring the benefits they can get to strengthen its relationship with him."
Among the factors that determined the success of the PRI, observed by the analyst at the embassy, \u200b\u200breferred to the constant infighting and cost the PRD to the PAN meant the deterioration of the economy. But it also recognizes the burden that's popularity had Peña Nieto (70 percent in a survey of those times, the Americans considered reliable.) "This gives the PRI a boost that was sorely needed."
But, he adds, "Here the question is to see to what extent this popularity is the result of the governor's personal charisma and the care put into styling your image or what therefore has to do with a serious work to improve the conditions of his condition and carry out necessary reforms. " The tour
mexiquense Peña Nieto officials opened to visitors from EU the doors of its security apparatus. They were taken to meet the C-4 of the State Security Agency (SSA) to observe the work of its analysts processing information from different databases in collaboration with the secretariats of the federal Public Security and Defence, and teams of paramedics and firefighters.
Visitors were struck by the state attorney is not physically present in the C-4. ASE officials explained that a "hotline" to communicate continuously with the attorney, but that communication "is not always easy." In the state of Mexico is receiving assistance from Germany, Israel, Colombia, Spain and Chile for the operation of C-4.
The cable notes that the state of Mexico, with its crowded cities and impoverished rural areas, is "fertile ground for all types of crime, particularly drug-related. According to statistics from the embassy itself, the drug-related homicides show a steady upward trend. In 2006 it was 31, in 2007, 11. In 2008, fire at 360. And until September 2009 when the cable, were 231 murders. This year, the entity mexiquense ranked sixth in the list of states with high levels of violence associated with the drug trade.
As little as a plural point selecting civil society partners who were scheduled to meet with the U.S. delegation, mentioned cable Ernesto Cardenas, "the highly respected NGO Insyde (Institute for Security and Democracy), who praised the performance of C-4.
On the other hand, cast doubt on some information received on the state's economic development, particularly highway projects to join the Pacific ports in the Gulf Michoacán in Veracruz, to the state of Mexico, a logistics hub. The analyst mentions "the almost unbelievable figure they gave us a 6 percent growth last year."
"Same old PRI?"
cable
The author refers to a time the conversation should not have been comfortable for the hosts. "Pressed to explain to us what lies the popularity of Peña Nieto. Officials responded by explaining the commitments '600 'or campaign promises, which the governor signed before a notary at the beginning of his administration. "Our political advisors that they smelled most lasting achievements populism than to improve conditions in the state."
The cable describes the applicant in the State of Mexico landscape, where every public building, every road segment, every hospital and every corner exhibits propaganda "Fulfilling the commitment."
But, he adds the text, "the serious work has been slower. The state of Mexico lags behind in competitiveness. The statistics of efficiency in business, 2009 is ranked 28 (of the 31 states of Mexico). Edomex not yet adopted the necessary legislation to reform its judicial system, leaving far behind Peña Nieto others, and only 2 percent of its security officers have undergone a process of investigation. It is clear that the governor is committed to the popular infrastructure projects, it is not clear its commitment to progressive reform. "
carefully selected to meet representatives from Washington, officials international affairs office of Toluca also spent a bitter pill to explaining "why Peña Nieto is a modern PRI." Cable says: "railing against stagnant unions and monopolies, but in the following paragraph suggested that this system of political and economic interests coalesce around Peña Nieto to take him to the presidency. Asked about how he will then governor to break with the forces that backed him, the State of Mexico officials articulated vague answers about how only from within the system can be changed and how only the PRI is able to do it. "
With information of Israel Davila correspondent
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