narco-Harlequin MEXICAN MAFIA-INTERNATIONAL-TRAINTIC 
Corruption is the real cause of the progress of drug cartels, the assassinations of politicians, businessmen, kidnapping, trafficking people, the illegal crossing of goods from North, Central and South America. To win the war against crime is necessary to put a dramatic high employers money launderers and corrupt public officials After Mao Tse Tung left the presidency of the Republic of China in 1959, his successor established the death penalty for employers (as) and officials (as ) corrupt government, since then corrupt the think twice before committing their misdeeds because they know that if they discover them go straight to the wall.
This must be the best "Mexico
initiative" so that as the Republic of China, Mexico begins its technological and cultural revolution against corruption and become the fifth largest economy powerful in the world.
An initiative of such magnitude would be rejected by the PRI and the defenders of human rights of offenders (CNDHD) why it is?
THE USELESS READY From the six years of PRI Luis Echeverria (1970-1976) in the states of Mexico where organized crime has been enthroned at the apex of power, mayors, governors and their puppets and parades federal deputies and senators have played the pitiful role of ready useless.
Since the administration of former PRI governor Enrique Cardenas Gonzales (entrepreneur, radio broadcaster) from 1975 to 1981 and felt the presence of politically connected traffickers in Tamaulipas. During that time
heard on radio stations in the north of the republic run by Gerardo Gonzalez, a drug dealer thug nicknamed "Chito Cano."
Copy and paste the following link at the top left of your computer where it says here.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vuDt0xSC42Y FIVE DECADES OF DIRTY WAR READY FOR USELESS AGAINST AMERICA. The PRI is not capable of respecting the democratic process among themselves clean and only see for the immediate benefit rather than agree solutions to remove economic and cultural backwardness of the country, is dedicated to protecting public officials and corrupt leaders.
now crying like histrionics lousy hypocritical women claim respect for their pain. Do we respect the pain of the families of students killed in 1968-1971 for its PRI presidents?
hatred sowed the PRI with the crushing of the movement of physicians, 1965. Hate Priit sowed it with the murders of students in 1968 and 1971. hatred sowed the PRI even among the kingpins of drug cartels to agree with about the extermination of others. For the PRI is very easy to throw all the blame for the woes facing the nation by President Felipe Calderón bypassing their historical responsibility for incubation within the ranks of white collar criminals dare to reproach him for all Mexicans because they (a quorum or chorus) President Felipe Calderon might yield protest in 2006 without acknowledging that she had not put at risk the fortunes of obscure business of its members, former governors and policy McCabe in general.
HATE WHAT YOU SOW THE HISTORIC the PRI MEXICAN WAR. Repression response of PRI governments all opposition movements was a constant, although present in previous years, acquired from 1950 under the government of Miguel German, the character of a permanent policy of the State.
While this policy was applied against all kinds of political and social movements, as seen in this article, it was concentrated overwhelmingly against movements characterized as leftist.
It should be noted that although in the period 1950-1971 there were many more acts of repression, then only those that are listed at the time caused a great impact in the country, regardless of the type of event repressive or greater or lesser number of casualties in each of them.
A bloody history. just going to be ten months as president, Manuel Avila Camacho (1940-1946), called the president gentleman "for his elegant manners and dress, showed the workers the time of the Lazaro Cardenas government had definitely changed.
More than 200 workers at the Clothing and Equipment Cooperative (located in Tacubaya and that was really the state-owned factory which produced the uniforms of the army and police) had gone on strike demanding better wages and working conditions. Passed weeks and failed to resolve their requests so that the September 21, 1941, decided to speak to the house of President Avila Camacho to ask him to intervene to resolve the conflict.
presidential response was blunt: he ordered that the troops opened fire on those who had dared to stop the production of green and blue uniforms and, moreover, to disturb him at his home in the Del Valle (not yet installed in Pines because he was "modernizing" the house).
Nine workers died, including the general secretary of the union (he was a communist), and 20 more were wounded.
miners' strike and caravan de Nueva Rosita, Cloete y Palau, 1951. El 25 de septiembre de 1950 los mil 300 mineros de Palau, Coahuila, iniciaron una huelga a la que se unieron, el 16 de octubre, los de las minas de la Mexican Zinc en Nueva Rosita y Cloete.
El ejército patrulló las calles de Nueva Rosita para tratar de amedrentar. Ante la falta de resolución a sus demandas salariales y de democracia sindical, cinco mil mineros y sus familiares iniciaron, a principios de febrero de 1951, una marcha a pie de mil 500 kilómetros hacia la Ciudad de México. Llegaron el 10 de marzo y tuvieron una recepción masiva y entusiasta que culminó en un gran mitin en el Zócalo, pero el gobierno los confinó en el parque 18 de March, where the capital's population fed.
March 20 German President Miguel refused to receive them, although a large group and was on hunger strike. On April 10 the police besieged in their camp, but some managed to escape and make supported by many popular quotas, a rally was quelled with a balance of numerous injuries and arrests.
All denied trade union support and were forced to return to Coahuila in cages on trucks for cattle. Most miners were fired.
Suppression of May 1952. Despite the climate of persecution and charrismo union until this year the union contingent charrismo not controlled by, linked to the Communist Party (PC) and the Partido Obrero Campesino Mexicano (POCM) could march in the official statement of May. On that occasion, however, no reason or explanation for official post, soldiers and secret service officers on two occasions attacked those troops, who marched from the column of the Alliance of Tram and workers in the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS), highlighting the aggressors Lieutenant Presidential Guards, Gomez Tagle.
Waterfront Palace of Fine Arts was gunned down a militant of the Communist Youth Luis Morales and workers were injured Luis Arciniega and Diego Garcia.
Following this is stopped and prosecuted for the crime of "social dissolution" several communist leaders and prevents the participation of all opposition contingent in the May 1 marches.
be until the early eighties that the members of the National Coordinator of Education Workers (CNTE) achieve (at the cost of fighting) to break into the official parade.
Crushing of Henriques, 1952. In the elections of 1952 presented the candidacy of General Miguel Henriquez Guzman, breakaway system supported by the Federation of People's Parties Mexican (FPPM).
Federation participated in the characters as diverse as the constituent Praslow Ignacio Ramos, the general Celestino Gasca (in the sixties would be accused of attempting an armed uprising), the general Marcelino García Barragán (then secretary of defense of Diaz Ordaz) , former Minister of Cárdenas, General Francisco J. Mugica, the peasant leader Ruben Jaramillo, "and so on.
henriques The campaign had a broad national impact and results of those elections, officially won by Adolfo Ruiz Cortines, the PRI, were put in question the same way as those obtained in proceedings involving the applicant opponents, and Juan José Vasconcelos Andrew Almazán.
A week before the election, the Alameda City of Mexico, organized a rally henriques anticipated celebration of victory and electoral fraud, which was brutally suppressed with a balance never cleared of dead and wounded and 524 imprisoned. The local FPPM was assaulted by the police and their leaders jailed. Assault
military boarding Polytechnic Institute, 1956. On April 12, 1956 students from the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN) began a strike demanding the enactment of Organic Act, the construction of the City Polytechnic Zacatenco and the formation of joint committees of officials, students and workers.
succeeded in sympathy strikes in 150 schools in 23 states in the country and were linked to teachers' movement that began Othon Salazar. The same day, police attacked the boarding of the IPN in the Casco de Santo Tomás, leaving a balance undetermined injuries.
The strike continued until 23 September when the army occupied the boarding and jailed, charged with the crime of "social dissolution" to the leaders of the National Federation of Technical Students, led by Nicander Mendoza, who spent several years in prison although Party membership Popular Socialista, which supported the regime.
With this decision the government offensive was launched against popular education had its basis giving care services, such as canteens, dormitories, etc., to students of scarce resources.
Repression against the railroad movement of 1958-59. railroad movement, first for better wages, and immediately afterwards by union democracy, began on May 2, 1958 with the formation of the Great Commission for the wage increase, and consolidated with the proclamation of the South East Plan 12 June and the outbreak of strikes from the 26th of that month. The
June 28 its first major demonstration in the Federal District (DF) is suppressed at the end by the police and fire service workers dying Rafael Alday Hernandez Sotelo and Andres Montano (the latter ending in a police station). The army held the same day every local union.
continued strikes and union local outlets by workers and on 2 August the army and police involved taking the four local trade union branches in Mexico City, which led to the outbreak of an indefinite strike. August 4 was followed by another demonstration in the capital that is suppressed with four deaths, which are triggered arrests and sympathy strikes by telegraph, teachers and oil workers.
The persistence and expansion of the struggle, the labor authorities had to accept that union elections were held, they overwhelmingly winning Demetrio Vallejo (POCM activist), who takes over as secretary general on 27 August 1958.
On February 25, 1959 strike broke out in the National Railways for reviewing contractual agreement is reached wage increase. The strike broke out March 25 on the Pacific Railroad and Mexican Railway demanding a similar increase, which is declared non-existent, and a stop half an hour in solidarity National Railways.
The next day, the union proposed that the government lift the strikes in exchange for the cessation of violations of the collective agreement, but 27 layoffs began and where the talks were continuing with the government, proceeded to the arrest of Vallejo and other union leaders.
The army occupied all the local union and railroad facilities, seized almost 10 thousand workers were fired after nearly 9 000. April 3 was suppressed in a popular Mexico City in support of the railroad and detained more than 300 people.
disorganized Unemployment continued until 12 April but the government managed 15th set up a trade union "charro". The repression continued with the murder of railroad Monterrey Roman War communist Montemayor and the arrest on May 17, 1960, POCM leader Valentín Campa.
retained several years in prison and 800 railroad workers, 150 of them accused of being communists. Vallejo and Campa were released until 1969 and another officer, Santos Bárcena a little earlier.
Regarding the reasons for the final suppression, Lauro Ortega, (prominent politician who was president of the PRI governor of Morelos, etc.) confessed to Lazaro Cardenas on 25 February 1959 (before the fact) that a senior government Adolfo Lopez Mateos said: "If the railroads do not make the strike being announced, the provoke us to achieve the change in union leadership."
Repression against the teachers' movement in 1956-60. Since June 26, 1956 began the movement for union democracy and better work conditions of teachers in section IX of the National Union of Education Workers (SNTE) with a work stoppage and the foundation, at a rally held at the Ministry of Public Education (SEP) on 3 July, the Revolutionary Movement of Teachers (MRM).
The fight was maintained with rallies and strikes that were to strengthen the movement until April 12, 1958, when a teacher and popular rally in front of the SEP is threatened by the police and the quota is transferred to the Zocalo, where it is repressed.
April 21 teachers made another manifestation of the Monument to the Revolution to the Zócalo, delivered a list of demands to pay claims directly to the SEP and installed on 30 April, a permanent guard at the secretariat. Begins a fierce press campaign against him, manage to maintain the support of parents and get the solidarity of the working class and CRT CROC, the student teachers, the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and the IPN, and so on.
June 1 even President Adolfo Ruiz Cortines grants a pay rise and teachers withdraw their guard SEP. SNTE directive is forced to convene a Congress of Section IX for late August, but no admittance of the delegates of the MRM, a majority, and they perform a parallel in which Congress chose to Othon Salazar as its secretary general. L
September 6, the police attacked a teachers rally to demand the recognition of democratic leaders are arrested 200 people, including five Othon Salazar and other leaders, who formally declared prisoners for the crime of "social dissolution."
Thus, while failure is achieved Court of Arbitration for State Employees requiring a new election of the Executive Committee of Section IX, Othon Salazar can not participate by being imprisoned. However, the MRM wins election with 97 percent of the vote on 30 October and the prisoners were released on 5 December.
democratic committee last long in office. On March 2, begins a strike at the National Teachers' College and Section IX is in solidarity with them, but the army took the Normal and closes his internship on March 24, the Executive Committee of the Section IX is suspended from his duties by leaders of the SNTE and its place is taken by a group of armed confrontation. Teachers respond
with an indefinite work stoppage and large demonstrations on 7,19 and 25 June and 7 July, but on August 4, another manifestation is suppressed with a balance of more than 500 injured and many detained.
SEP layoffs initiated by the strike, a rally was suppressed at the Monument to the Revolution on August 10 to 31 this month, unemployment rose to the unfulfilled promise of President Adolfo Lopez Mateos to reinstate the more than 500 laid off (again only after a time about 200).
Murder of Ruben Jaramillo and his family, 1962. Ruben Jaramillo joined the 14 years the forces of General Emiliano Zapata. In 1938 he founded the Zacatepec ingenuity, supported by President Lázaro Cárdenas. Between 1943 and 1944, after several attempts by the chiefs in Morelos to assassinate him, was up in arms.
In 1945 he founded the Agricultural Workers' Party Morelos, which is linked to the Partido Obrero Campesino Mexican. He ran for governor of Morelos from the Federation of the Mexican people in 1952 and all that time led the agrarian struggles in the state.
By holding this fight had to return to arms in 1957 with the support of the Mexican Communist Party. In 1959, President Adolfo Lopez Mateos granted amnesty to him and his armed group, met with Jaramillo and promised support for a project utilization of idle land. Ruben Jaramillo had great support among the peasants of Morelos, as federal and state government feared and May 23, 1962, he, his pregnant wife and three sons were arrested in Tlaquiltenango and taken to the archaeological site Xochicalco, where they were killed.
At the site of his death were numerous shell casings made in the National Arms Factory army.
Among the criminals were the judicial police chief Heriberto Espinosa and José Martínez army captain, who were found dead on September 5, 1962 in Guerrero. Matanzas
against the civic movement in Guerrero, 1960-1962 .
Guerrero Civic Association (GCA) emerged in the late 50's organizing peasants, students, copreros and workers in the struggle for their demands and against the authoritarian regime of Governor Raul Caballero Aburto.
On December 30, 1960 holding a rally in the Zocalo of Chilpancingo when the army intervened to curb, leaving a toll of at least 13 deaths and numerous injuries.
Despite this repression, ACG continued to lead popular struggles and in 1962 supported the candidature of dissident PRI José María Suárez Téllez to the state government. December 30 1962, to commemorate 2 years of the first killing, he again threw his troops against a meeting of the ACG in Iguala, killing 39 people and left 119 injured and arrested a thousand citizens.
These repressive acts joined in February 1965, the crushing of a student movement in Chilpancingo, the murder of the sons of two leaders of the ACG in July 1966 and the imprisonment of its main leader, - Genaro Vasquez , who escaped from prison on April 22, 1968 and joined the National Revolutionary Civic Association (ACNR) leading his guerrilla group. Genaro Vázquez dies in a freak car accident on February 2, 1972.
Crushing
movement of doctors, 1965 .
health movement began in November 1964, when residents and interns of the hospital November 20, ISSSTE bonuses demanded payment of arrears and 206 of them were fired. In response to redundancies formed the Mexican Association of Medical Residents and Interns (AMMRI) that began to organize strikes that by day 26 of this month and to 40 hospitals comprising ISSSTE Social Security and Railroad.
On 10 December President Gustavo Diaz Ordaz, recently taken office, promised to consider their requests for salary increases and participation in developing curriculum, which rose to 15 unemployed.
however, began a smear campaign against the movement and the government broke off compromise talks.
response, qualified doctors responded by forming the Alliance of Physicians Mexican Civil Association (AMMAC), which then absorbed the AMMRI. The AMMAC initiated another strike on January 13, 1965, asking not only demands for a wage increase, but also of a more general work. Diaz Ordaz promised again negotiations, which was lifted on January 27 arrest.
However, retabulation wage offer was not satisfactory. The March 20 AMMAC called to separate from the unions controlled by the FSTSE and 25 proposed the creation of a union of health workers.
On April 19 another strike broke out that lasted until June 3 and held another meeting with Díaz Ordaz, who just settled a minimum wage increase but no other claim. In response, doctors performed a demonstration on April 20 that was attacked by groups FSTSE shock. On 14 August starts arrest 23 residents and one medical graduates.
On 26 August there is another big event, but that night the police took the hospital Nov. 20 and Ruben Leñero.
The next day the nurses were kidnapped Nov. 20 by the shock troops of the FSTSE. Hundreds of doctors, the most active in the movement, its leaders were fired and jailed. Military occupation
Nicolaíta University, 1966. Since 1961 the University of San Nicolás de Hidalgo in Morelia, had won a democratic basic law and had a major influence on the left, in addition to linking to popular struggles.
On October 1, 1966 Morelia students and citizens agreed on a movement against the rise in public transport fares. The next day made a mass demonstration that was attacked by gunmen from the PRI, who stole a sound device. Addressing the march to the local PRI to claim the robbery, was shot and died received the student Everardo Rodriguez Orbe.
death in protest at the students went on strike on October 4 and the army began patrolling the streets, despite which it makes a huge rally on Oct. 7 in downtown Morelia. On October 8, at the request of the local Congress, the troops, commanded by General José Hernández Toledo, took the university and arrested dozens of students.
For 3 years or so were imprisoned leader of the National Student Democrats, Rafael Aguilar Talamantes, and popular leader Efren Capiz.
military takes the University of Sonora, 1967. Sonoran students joined and led the public outcry for the imposition of Faustino Félix Serna as the PRI candidate for governor of the state.
The protest of the population, heavily influenced by the PAN, came to acts of massive attacks on a police headquarters and homes of officials in Hermosillo. Because schools were the center of the mobilization, the police attacked, but managed only 139 schools that were incorporated into a strike. In response, the governor Encinas Johnson sought and obtained from Congress called for military intervention, which again led by José Hernández Toledo, May 17 attacked and took the University of Sonora.
copreros Slaughter of Acapulco, 1967. Farmers Guerrero copra growers have always been one of the poorest and most exploited of the entity. On August 20, 1967, 800 delegates Copra Producers Union met at the headquarters of the National Peasant Confederation in Acapulco to discuss fees for support of your organization and try to democratically elect a leadership.
Despite being headed by former PRI congressman Cesar del Angel attendees were shot by gunmen spurious leader of his own organization, Jesus Flores. There were more than 80 peasants killed and an undetermined number of injuries and arrests among the last Del Angel. With the support of local government to Flores, one was jailed for the killing that caused a national scandal. Killing
Atoyac, 1967. The master Lucio Cabañas, was graduated from the rural normal Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, secretary general of the Federation of Socialist Peasant Students engaged in the early 60's in the National Liberation Movement and the struggles against the governor Raul Guerrero Caballero Aburto.
In 1967 he was a member of the Mexican Communist Party, was teaching at primary Atoyac de Álvarez and social and political work among the peasants of the area.
In May of that year began a struggle for teachers and parents of that school to request the removal of the director of economic mismanagement being conducted with the support of the municipal authorities. A fight so elementary was unacceptable to the chiefs of the region and a protest rally organized by Lucio was dissolved by judicial police shot and white guards, leaving 5 dead and several wounded.
professor escaped and was pursued forcing him to go back to the mountains.
The consequences of this act of repression went beyond what its authors imagined. Cabañas Brigade was first formed Peasants' Justice as an armed group of self-defense and then the Party of the Poor (whose ideology was released on March 30, 1972), which once had great sympathy among the peasants in Guerrero as a guerrilla group which was fought with a huge deployment of military forces to the death of Lucius, in combat, the December 2, 1974.
Repression against the student movement of 1968. Except the period from 1 to 26 August 1968, the student movement that year was subject to an escalation of repression that ended Oct. 2. A distinctive feature of some of the repressive actions was found that self-defense response of the students, but they never initiated the violence.
July 23 grenadiers entered May hitting the Vocational teachers and students on the pretext of chasing gang had clashed in the Citadel.
On July 26, police broke up the quotas of the Polytechnic and the march commemorating the Cuban revolution just because they tried to go to the Zocalo. Student response was stoned to death but police did not stop there, but attacked students of the Preparatory 3 that had nothing to do with the event, stormed the local Communist Party and its newspaper the Voice of Mexico and arrested several of its leaders.
July 29 The police did not merely attempt to stop a student march to the Zocalo, but when students and their schools were at the center of the capital began to attack, leading to a resistance that lasted for 5 pm to one o'clock, when he entered the army.
was supposed to be dead, but we found is that there were numerous injuries on both sides.
were arrested over a thousand students. face of these acts of repression, the student strike lasted more than 70 public and several private schools in the capital, and also in other various states of Mexico, lifting a six-point list of demands that synthesized the fight for democratic freedoms in the country.
Then came the period when the act was allowed to move, thinking that it would discredit itself (as confessed in the head of the Department of Mexico City, Alfonso Corona del Rosal in his memoirs), something that never happened.
In response, on 27 August, the army and police evicted the camp student that was installed in the socket after the manifestation of that day, recorded only wounded.
next day, again the army and police had to leave to state employees that had been gathered in the Zocalo for an alleged act of honoring the flag, as these workers demonstrated against the government.
From that time began the school shootings, kidnappings of students and the arrest of the brigades of propaganda, despite which the silent demonstration was held on 13 September.
The vocational 7 was attacked at least three times by the riot, finding a tenacious resistance from students and inhabitants of Tlatelolco.
On 18 September the army occupied the university campus without finding resistance and arrested more than 500 thousand people. 20 to 22 September strafing attacks were made against police or the Vocational 7 Zacatenco, the Vocational High Schools 5 and 8 and 9.
September 23 afternoon, police armed with rifles began to tackle the Casco de Santo Tomás and Vocational 7. The Town was taken by the military after eight hours of clashes which left at least three students dead. The Vocational Zacatenco 7 and fell to cease resistance before, with no reported casualties.
On 2 October, the army surrounded and attacked the student rally in Tlatelolco unemployment after all prisons and places in the Military Camp Number One to greet the prisoners.
According to official figures there were only 996 prisoners, 23 dead civilians, two soldiers and 36 wounded.
The National Strike Council at the time estimated at 150 the number of dead. The then prestigious American journalist Drew Pearson said were 130 dead and the British newspaper The Guardian spoke of 300.
In 1995, the book My Memoirs Policy, Alfonso Corona del Rosal, included a letter from Major General Javier Vázquez Felix in which he claims to have been responsible for the counting of the dead on the ground and says they were 38 in the plaza, a child in an apartment and four soldiers, or 19 deaths more than the officially recognized.
But there was still more victims, 16 November, the medical student of the UNAM José Luis González Martínez was shot dead in Bolivar and Central Avenue traffic for an agent.
Julio Martinez Jimenez was killed by being made a pint and on 27 November, the polytechnic student Clachar Eugenio Ramirez was shot dead by "thugs" in high school in May and two of his companions were wounded.
None of the perpetrators of these crimes was arrested. According to the Attorney General of the Republic, during the student movement was 5 000 detainees. Attack
The Hawks against the march of June 10, 1971.
Committees Coordinating Committee for Combating student at the Polytechnic and UNAM organized the march originally June 10 in solidarity with students of Nuevo Leon, which wanted to impose an authoritarian Law, but then, having determined that conflict, launched the call with the following policy approaches: against bourgeois educational reform and democratization of education; for union democracy and against charrismo, and freedom of all political prisoners.
The march was led by a banner with the slogan "For the unity worker-peasant-student."
The police closed the entrances of the side streets to the route of the Avenue of the Masters, so that the march, which started from the school of Biological Sciences, IPN, could only lead to Ribera de San Cosme, where the Falcons attacked leaving behind the rows of riot police. As
progressed, the forefront of the demonstration was dissolved by gunfire and beatings kendo clubs. Despite this and knowing what lay ahead, it is noteworthy that people going back was going. The Hawks did not just break up and walking, but attacked the hospital Leñero Ruben de la Cruz Verde to take him to the injured.
The Head of the Department of Mexico City, Alfonso Martinez Dominguez, immediately made statements claiming that it had been a clash between students and denying the existence of the group The Falcons. However, the fact that dozens of reporters and photographers had been beaten or abducted by the Falcons or plainclothes police officers did that for the first time, all the press, radio and television, denied the official version, which forced the President Luis Echeverría to use the Head of the Department of City as a scapegoat, removed him and promised an investigation never yielded results. According to official figures, there were only between 11 and 17 dead, but the students and some newspapers talked of 30 to 42 dead and 200 wounded.
administration of Carlos Salinas DE-1988-1994 GORTARI. crimes unpunished.
May 24, 1993, assassination of Cardinal Posadas Ocampo, allegedly killed by bullets in the crossfire between two drug gangs.
March 23, 1994 - Assassination of Luis Donaldo Colosio Murrieta allegedly killed by a lone gunman.
September 28, 1994-Murder of José Francisco Ruiz Massieu, allegedly killed by intra-family feuds PRI.
ACTEAL
THE KILLING OF SIX-YEAR DURING THE LAST PRIistas -22 DECEMBER 1997. In Acteal Massacre name is known in the Mexican media the result of a PRI paramilitary incursion in the Zapatista area of \u200b\u200bLos Altos de Chiapas on December 22, 1997.
During the raid, suspected members of the Red Mask PRI Tzotzil Indians attacked the organization's "Bees," who were inside the chapel praying.
The result was 45 dead, including children and pregnant women. While the PRI government tried to describe the slaughter as an ethnic conflict, opposition and human rights groups consider it part of a government strategy to disrupt the social base of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). The crime remains unpunished.
Acteal After the facts were charged 26 indigenous identified by the relatives of victims and perpetrators.
The defendants had requested injunction, which eventually was presented to 20 of them on August 12, 2009 by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation of Mexico (SCJN), arguing that the Attorney General of the Republic (at that time led by Jorge Madrazo Cuellar) produced evidence to convict the prisoners.
PEÑA NIETO AND PRISONERS OF ATENCO In 2006, during the first year of government of the State of Mexico Enrique Peña Nieto
a group of residents of San Salvador Atenco held in their offices to several government officials in Mexico.
demanded the release of fellow prisoners and the resumption of the dialogue table. In response, the Mexico state attorney accused of kidnapping and after a series of sentences were run down sentences of up to 112 years in prison.
The Supreme Court's Office to conclude that judges and magistrates of the State of Mexico accepted illegal evidence presented by the local attorney that did not demonstrate the crime of kidnapping, on June 30, 2010 ordered the release of Front leader Peoples in Defense of Earth, Ignacio del Valle, as well as 11 activists of the organization, imprisoned by the riots of 2006 in San Salvador Atenco.
The high court ruled that not only the process was fraught with irregularities, such as the submission of illegal or insufficient evidence, but the sentences were "a form of institutional makeup criminalize social protest as a form of punishment to be opposition. " So I wrote the Judge Juan Silva Meza, whose project was supported by the other justices.
JUNE 2010-A CRIME PRISTINE narco. Since the administration of former PRI governor Enrique Cardenas Gonzales (entrepreneur, radio broadcaster) from 1975 to 1981 and felt the presence of politically connected traffickers in Tamaulipas. At that time, all the radio stations north of the republic could hear the ballad of Gerardo Gonzales, the offender hit man nicknamed "chito cano"
Copy and paste the link below into the top left of your computer where said here.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vuDt0xSC42Y the journalistic AND NET OF 29 JUNE 2010 Since February 2010, the DEA warned about the cartel war Tamaulipas
The separation of the organization Los Zetas Gulf has caused a wave of unprecedented violence in the state.
Last February, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency warned the Mexican intelligence agencies on a new restructuring of the criminal organizations associated with drug trafficking.
June 29, 2010 Route
Political German Tamaulipas: the vote for the death
not send in Tamaulipas Governor Ismael Hernandez. Neither the state legislature. Political control is not the PRI and the PAN or less PRD. No, the commands Tamaulipas crime. reporter
Stories enter the campaigns in Tamaulipas, "he wrote then. Thus, the diagnosis was that a cartel in Tamaulipas orders over political power and the governor did not represent any threat to these criminals. Someone
would not let well enough alone. Will the next governor? Does the prevailing cartel? A rival cartel? "The acting governor still exercised political control to the fullest? A new arrangement? A derangement? The rest was shot the truck of the future governor was not shielded.
was happy Low Reserve June 29, 2010.
Nombres suenan ya. Anoche empezaron a circular los perfiles de quienes podrían ocupar la nominación que correspondió a Torre Cantú. Encabeza la lista Manuel Muñoz Cano (hijo del desaparecido Manuel Muñoz Muñoz Rocha, presunto autor intelectual del asesinato del priiíta José Fancisco Ruiz Massieu), quien fue secretario local de Desarrollo Social y era el coordinador de la campaña del candidato asesinado. Se menciona con insistencia a Óscar Almaraz Smer, candidato a diputado local. Algunas fuentes señalan, con menores posibilidades, a Antonio Martínez Torres y a Marco Antonio Bernal. El asesinato ha movido las agendas de los priístas. Por ejemplo, Enrique Peña Nieto suspendió un viaje a China para be in the conclave of the PRI.
What next? Who's next? .
In Private. Joaquín López-Doriga
. Torre Cantú yesterday climbed into a van without any protection and security chief let him do it, knowing each other is a real risk that the candidate and ran with him, his bodyguards fell in the line of duty.
But not only these flaws are exposed. The murder also shows the degree of infiltration of drug trafficking in the areas of government, in this case, the PRI candidate's campaign, which knew its program of activities, route, schedule, logistics, transport and fragility of the security flaws. Chronic Confidential (Leopoldo Mendivil.
aim higher.
Leopoldo Mendivil. I fell winning nominee for governor, how afraid they will feel the governors in office and those who are being honored for be targeted by criminals?.
mayors What? And legislators? "And the judges?" And his own cabinet, President ...? If as suspected, Diego Fernandez de Cevallos as hijacked the drug, how many more may be: businessmen, intellectuals, senior military officers, clergymen of any religious sign, party leaders, journalists ..?
The place is ours, bastards.
The story in brief.
Ciro Gómez Leyva. Yesterday's
has the markings of being a political crime against the victorious cry of a group that tells arrogant politicians (and probably also another band of drug dealers and extortionists): the place is ours, bastards.
So the possibility of postponing the elections on Sunday was a false door, no one will be restored soon Tamaulipas normal democratic conditions. If the criminals and they should, tomorrow they will kill another candidate. Or who need them.
29 JUNE 2010.
Snakes and Ladders The perception that this dispute between cartels --* *-- sided authorities could be behind a murder that says long-planned and waited for a careless strike.
hours before running on the nearby Torre was concern for safety, but were released shortly, a pair of shootings at government facilities in Victoria for weeks-a wall of Government House and the building State Attorney-advisories have been what was brewing.
window. the narcocracia. Democracy loses. Ask Guerrero (on Sunday confirmed the execution of the leader of PAN, Heliodoro Castillo, died of 40 shots). Ask
Chihuahua (flogged for violence, executions and a precarious political offer.) Ask
* Hidalgo * (where they send the Zetas). Ask
in Sinaloa (who wins the power or goes down, or cooperate with him in May.) Ask
Quintana Roo and Durango. Ask.
Mario Villanueva was unworthy, but did not get it until he received a punishment like jail. Pedro Ferriz.
All these ideas emanating from the revoluciondelintelecto.com People want honesty and ability in the exercise of power.
in politics are full of illiterate unredeemed. Cynics who think we are all equally primary. Sunday
If you do not like anyone in the electoral process to be. Punta ignorant who fail to meet the primary.
Better a voided vote in favor of a criminal.
CONCLUSIONS.
Corruption is the real cause of the progress of drug cartels, the assassinations of politicians, businessmen, kidnapping, trafficking of persons, illegal crossing of goods and weapons from North America, Central
and South America.
To win the war against crime, it is necessary to put a stop drastic corruption of public officials and entrepreneurs money launderers.
After Mao Tse Tung left the presidency of the Republic of China in 1959, his successor, established the death penalty for employers (as) launderers and officials (as) corrupt government, since then, the corrupt the think twice before committing their misdeeds because they know if they are caught going straight to the wall.
This should be the best "initiative Mexico"
to as the Republic of China, Mexico begins its technological and cultural revolution against corruption and become the fifth largest economy in the world.
An initiative of such magnitude would be rejected by the priístasy by advocates of human rights of offenders (CNDHD) why it is?. PRI If they really want national reconciliation without hatred and without rancor, they had better give up their claim to return to the pines in 2012, to renounce governorships gained through vote buying, coercion by the local media and through the pressure they exert on electoral institutes state.
July 4 next, the Durango, Tamaulipas and Chihuahua will vote overwhelmingly for the PRI, ie the continuity of organized crime in their respective states. If so, nor how to help.
One click down and goes straight.
http / /: mariokamargointelectuales.blogspot.com
